Chapter 3: The Family Environment and Its Impact on Child Well-Being (66)
This chapter provides an overview of what is known about the relationship between the family environment and young children’s health and well-being. It examines key aspects of family functioning (including parenting and parental health), family income level, maternal education and family structure. Canadian research on the relationship between families and child well-being relies heavily on the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY)(68). As new releases of data from the NLSCY become available, researchers will be able to build on the existing knowledge base and provide additional insight into the complex relationship between families and child well-being. The Importance of Family Dynamics on the Well-Being of Young ChildrenResearch has shown that family dynamics is one of the most important elements affecting healthy child development. Positive family functioning can help mitigate the influence of other factors in child development, such as family income and family structure(69). Family functioning refers to how well family members communicate with each other, work together, and treat each other. It also has to do with how well family members function as a unit. While the majority of children grow up in families that are functioning well, there is a small percentage who do not(70). Children living in dysfunctional families are about 35% more likely to display signs of problematic behaviour such as aggression or difficult temperament than their counterparts living in families that are functioning well(71). This relationship between family functioning and behaviour problems is particularly evident when examining the display of signs associated with aggressive behaviours, such as getting into fights, kicking, biting and/or destroying belongings.
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What Does the Term “Vulnerability” Mean?The term “vulnerability” refers to young children
who are experiencing either learning or behaviour difficulties.
These children may have problems getting along with others, meeting
challenges, regulating their emotions, attending to tasks, or
learning new concepts or skills. The vulnerability index, developed
in 2000, reveals that approximately 28% of Canadian children are
vulnerable.(77) |
Research indicates that children raised in an environment of authoritative parenting are the least likely to exhibit signs of vulnerability. This style is positively related to better behaviour and school performance. Positive parenting practices, as demonstrated by an authoritative style, also decrease the chances of developmental problems(78) in Canadian children by 25 to 52%, depending on the type of developmental problem. In contrast, researchers have found that inconsistent, non-positive parenting can lead to signs of vulnerability such as poorer school outcomes(79).
An American longitudinal study is reporting that mothers’ sensitivity to their infant’s signals (cries, smiles, coos and gazes) is a strong predictor of positive outcomes including a child’s emotional health, ability to get along with others, increased vocabulary and ability to regulate attention(80). |
Not only is the style of parenting important, but also parents’ level of involvement in their children’s daily lives. Research indicates that the amount of time in which parents are interacting directly with their children is positively related to child outcomes(81). However, the importance of time is not measured by the actual number of hours the parents spend with the child, but rather the “quality” of that time.
The participation in the workforce of mothers with young children is
one of the most dramatic changes in family life over the past twenty years.
Approximately 60% of women with children under 3 years of age were working
in the paid labour force in 2001—up from approximately 40% in the
early 1980s(82). Researchers have long been
debating the impact that this increase has on child development outcomes.
Overall, research has found that children with mothers who work outside
the home are not at any disadvantage in terms of developmental outcomes.
Parents are increasingly aware of the importance of promoting the early
development of their children. As a result, despite increased demands
in the workplace, working Canadian parents significantly increased the
amount of direct care (physical care, playing and travelling time) and
their overall contact time with children aged 5 and younger between 1986
and 1998(83).
The increase in the number of mothers participating in the labour force means that more children are now in child care settings. A recent review concluded that quality child care can reduce the negative impact on child development of a stressed, disadvantaged home life, regardless of a family’s income level(84). This review concluded that the use or non-use of child care is not the issue. Rather, the key factor is the quality of the child care. Other studies have bolstered this conclusion, finding that child care does not negatively impact the mother-child relationship (except when very young children are extensively exposed to poor quality child care). Parents’ behaviour and beliefs are a substantially greater factor in child development than child care(85). Studies have also found that children in low- and moderate-income families who attend home-based and centre-based child care have improved vocabulary development at 4 and 5 years of age compared to children living in the same circumstances who do not attend out-of-home child care(86).
The amount of time that parents spend reading out loud to their children is another important aspect of parental engagement for young children. Research is demonstrating the significant influence that daily reading to a young child has on his or her development. Parents who read frequently with their children contribute to their healthy development, particularly their language and reading skills(87). Studies also show a link between early and frequent reading and social development. Daily reading seems to reduce the likelihood of behaviour problems.
The well-being of a parent also plays a key role in how the family functions.
Researchers have found that maternal depression is a key determinant of childhood vulnerability, in particular, young children living with mothers who are depressed are more likely to have behaviour and learning problems(88). For example, infants of depressed mothers are less attentive, and more irritable and fussy. Children 5 years of age and younger were about one and one-half times as likely to have poor verbal skills if their mothers were depressed. In addition, children were about twice as likely to display behavioural problems if their mothers were depressed(89).
Researchers have also found that maternal heavy drinking is related to negative parenting practices and children’s behaviour and emotional problems. While only 3.5% of children had mothers who drank heavily (five or more drinks on more than 12 occasions during the past year) these children had more emotional problems, separation anxiety, hyperactivity and aggressiveness, as well as a higher likelihood to commit property crimes. Heavy drinking mothers reported fewer positive interactions with their children compared to non-drinking and moderate-drinking mothers, and they appear to be more hostile and ineffective in their parenting style(90).
In general, growing up in a family that is functioning well with parents who exhibit positive parenting practices will reduce the effects of other factors such as income and maternal education. Despite these mitigating effects, however, income and maternal education have been shown to contribute significantly to child outcomes.
The majority of children in low-income families do very well, having average or above average scores on their cognitive measures and not exhibiting major behavioural problems. Family income, however, is acknowledged as a consistent, significant contributor to child outcomes. While there is a demonstrated relationship between income and vocabulary development, it is important to note that other factors such as parental education, reading habits, and participation in early childhood activities are also important in influencing the vocabulary development of children. Children who live in low-income families at 4 and 5 years of age are more likely to have lower vocabulary skills than their counterparts living in middle- and upper-income families(91). Children living in families with lower incomes are also less likely than children in higher-income families to participate in recreational activities. Participation in these types of early childhood activities helps build the foundation for core skills and success in school(92).
The education level of the mother also has a significant impact on child development. Recent research has demonstrated a strong link between maternal education and levels of vocabulary development.

Source: National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth, Cycle 4 (2000–2001).
The more language a child hears, the more they are likely to use. Mothers with higher levels of education are more likely to talk with their children and use a broader range of vocabulary(93). As Figure 2 illustrates, in 2000–2001, children of mothers with college/university education were more likely to have average to advanced language skills. Studies loXing at preschool vocabulary in relation to reading and math skills four years later have suggested that the mother’s education level has both a short-term and a long-term impact on the child’s development(94).
The effects of maternal education are not confined solely to academic skills. They also have an impact on a child’s social skills. Data show that mothers who complete more than a secondary school education are less likely to have toddlers with problematic personal and social behaviours. Research demonstrates that this will have a longer term effect as children who get along with other children at 4 and 5 years of age are less likely to be aggressive with other children when they are older than children who are aggressive when they are 4 and 5 years of age(95). In addition, maternal education is correlated to family income. The more educated a mother, the more likely the family is to have a higher income.
Numerous studies have examined the impact of single- and two-parent families on children’s developmental outcomes, including measures of academic achievement and social emotional well-being. They have demonstrated that children growing up in single-parent families are more likely to repeat grades, to possess poorer language skills, and to be less healthy than children living in two-parent families. These children are also less likely to get along well with friends and parents than children living in two-parent families(96).

Source: National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth, Cycle 4 (2000–2001).
As Figure 3 illustrates, children in single-parent families are slightly more likely to show signs of problematic behaviour such as emotional disorder/anxiety, hyperactivity/inattention and physical aggression/conduct disorder than children living in two-parent families(97).
Behavioural problems in young children are not solely an issue for single-parent families. It is important to note that 85% of young children continue to live in two-parent families and as a result, the majority of children experiencing behavioural problems live in two-parent families. As previously mentioned, the effects of family structure on child development are mitigated by such factors as family functioning and parenting. In addition, the outcomes for children from single-parent families vary with the distribution of other factors affecting the family such as the level of the mother’s education and family income.
Many young children in Canada experience changes in family structure before they enter Grade 1 due to separation or divorce of their parents. In fact, approximately 25% of children now experience parental separation before the age of 6 compared to only 8% in the 1960s(98).
The impact of parental separation can have short-term and long-term effects on children’s outcomes. Data show that children living in post-divorce custodial arrangements have a higher prevalence of behavioural or emotional problems than children living in non-divorced families(99). Twenty-eight percent of children living with both parents have one or more behavioural problem as compared to 32.8% of children who are living in post-divorce custody arrangements(100).
Parental separation and divorce often result in lower family income and changes in a child’s residence—both of which are associated with negative impacts on child outcomes(101). Children seem to be most at risk for experiencing difficulties in the period immediately following their parents’ separation. Children benefit from maintaining contact and relationships with both biological parents after parental separation(102).
The overall conclusion from research studies is that positive parenting practices and continued contact with both parents seem to mitigate the negative developmental consequences of separation and divorce for young children(103).
The research indicates that the nature of children’s family environments
has a very strong effect on children’s cognitive and behavioural
development, and on the prevalence of childhood vulnerability. The factors
within this environment that have been shown to have an impact on child
development are parenting skills, the cohesiveness of the family unit,
the educational level and mental health of the mother, and the extent
to which parents are actively engaged with their children. However, there
is still much that is unknown about this complex relationship. Ongoing
research will help to further enhance our understanding of healthy child
development.